Saturday, December 3, 2011


Some Asians’ college strategy: Don’t check ‘Asian’

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Lanya Olmstead was born in Florida to a mother who immigrated from Taiwan and an American father of Norwegian ancestry. Ethnically, she considers herself half Taiwanese and half Norwegian. But when applying to Harvard, Olmstead checked only one box for her race: white.
“I didn’t want to put ‘Asian’ down,” Olmstead says, “because my mom told me there’s discrimination against Asians in the application process.”
For years, many Asian-Americans have been convinced that it’s harder for them to gain admission to the top U.S. colleges.
Studies show that Asian-Americans meet these colleges’ admissions standards far out of proportion to their 6 percent representation in the U.S. population, and that they often need test scores hundreds of points higher than applicants from other ethnic groups to have an equal chance of admission. Critics say these numbers, along with the fact that some top colleges with race-blind admissions have double the Asian percentage of Ivy League schools, prove the existence of discrimination.
The way it works, the critics believe, is that Asian-Americans are evaluated not as individuals, but against the thousands of other ultra-achieving Asians who are stereotyped as boring academic robots.
Now, an unknown number of students are responding to this concern by declining to identify themselves as Asian on their applications.
For those with only one Asian parent, whose names don’t give away their heritage, that decision can be relatively easy. Harder are the questions that it raises: What’s behind the admissions difficulties? What, exactly, is an Asian-American — and is being one a choice?
Olmstead is a freshman at Harvard and a member of HAPA, the Half-Asian People’s Association. In high school she had a perfect 4.0 grade-point average and scored 2150 out of a possible 2400 on the SAT college admission test, which she calls “pretty low.”
College applications ask for parent information, so Olmstead knows that admissions officers could figure out a student’s background that way. She did write in the word “multiracial” on her own application.
Still, she would advise students with one Asian parent to “check whatever race is not Asian.”
“Not to really generalize, but a lot of Asians, they have perfect SATs, perfect GPAs, … so it’s hard to let them all in,” Olmstead says.
Amalia Halikias is a Yale freshman whose mother was born in America to Chinese immigrants; her father is a Greek immigrant. She also checked only the “white” box on her application.
“As someone who was applying with relatively strong scores, I didn’t want to be grouped into that stereotype,” Halikias says. “I didn’t want to be written off as one of the 1.4 billion Asians that were applying.”
Her mother was “extremely encouraging” of that decision, Halikias says, even though she places a high value on preserving their Chinese heritage.
“Asian-American is more a scale or a gradient than a discrete combination . I think it’s a choice,” Halikias says.
But leaving the Asian box blank felt wrong to Jodi Balfe, a Harvard freshman who was born in Korea and came here at age 3 with her Korean mother and white American father. She checked the box against the advice of her high school guidance counselor, teachers and friends.
“I felt very uncomfortable with the idea of trying to hide half of my ethnic background,” Balfe says. “It’s been a major influence on how I developed as a person. It felt like selling out, like selling too much of my soul.”
“I thought admission wouldn’t be worth it. It would be like only half of me was accepted.”
Other students, however, feel no conflict between a strong Asian identity and their response to what they believe is injustice.
“If you know you’re going to be discriminated against, it’s absolutely justifiable to not check the Asian box,” says Halikias.
Immigration from Asian countries was heavily restricted until laws were changed in 1965. When the gates finally opened, many Asian arrivals were well-educated, endured hardships to secure more opportunities for their families, and were determined to seize the American dream through effort and education.
These immigrants, and their descendants, often demanded that children work as hard as humanly possible to achieve. Parental respect is paramount in Asian culture, so many children have obeyed — and excelled.
“Chinese parents can order their kids to get straight As. Western parents can only ask their kids to try their best,” wrote Amy Chua, only half tongue-in-cheek, in her recent best-selling book “Battle Hymn of the Tiger Mother.”
“Chinese parents can say, ‘You’re lazy. All your classmates are getting ahead of you,’” Chua wrote. “By contrast, Western parents have to struggle with their own conflicted feelings about achievement, and try to persuade themselves that they’re not disappointed about how their kids turned out.”
Of course, not all Asian-Americans fit this stereotype. They are not always obedient hard workers who get top marks. Some embrace American rather than Asian culture. Their economic status, ancestral countries and customs vary, and their forebears may have been rich or poor.
But compared with American society in general, Asian-Americans have developed a much stronger emphasis on intense academic preparation as a path to a handful of the very best schools.
“The whole Tiger Mom stereotype is grounded in truth,” says Tao Tao Holmes, a Yale sophomore with a Chinese-born mother and white American father. She did not check “Asian” on her application.
“My math scores aren’t high enough for the Asian box,” she says. “I say it jokingly, but there is the underlying sentiment of, if I had emphasized myself as Asian, I would have (been expected to) excel more in stereotypically Asian-dominated subjects.”
“I was definitely held to a different standard (by my mom), and to different standards than my friends,” Holmes says. She sees the same rigorous academic focus among many other students with immigrant parents, even non-Asian ones.
Does Holmes think children of American parents are generally spoiled and lazy by comparison? “That’s essentially what I’m trying to say.”
Asian students have higher average SAT scores than any other group, including whites. A study by Princeton sociologist Thomas Espenshade examined applicants to top colleges from 1997, when the maximum SAT score was 1600 (today it’s 2400). Espenshade found that Asian-Americans needed a 1550 SAT to have an equal chance of getting into an elite college as white students with a 1410 or black students with an 1100.
Top schools that don’t ask about race in admissions process have very high percentages of Asian students. The California Institute of Technology, a private school that chooses not to consider race, is about one-third Asian. (Thirteen percent of California residents have Asian heritage.) The University of California-Berkeley, which is forbidden by state law to consider race in admissions, is more than 40 percent Asian — up from about 20 percent before the law was passed.
Steven Hsu, a physics professor at the University of Oregon and a vocal critic of current admissions policies, says there is a clear statistical case that discrimination exists.
“The actual dynamics of how it happens are really quite subtle,” he says, mentioning factors like horse-trading among admissions officers for their favorite candidates.
Also, “when Asians are the largest group on campus, I can easily imagine a fund-raiser saying, ‘This is jarring to our alumni,’” Hsu says. Noting that most Ivy League schools have roughly the same percentage of Asians, he wonders if “that’s the maximum number where diversity is still good, and it’s not, ‘we’re being overwhelmed by the yellow horde.’”
Yale, Harvard, Princeton and the University of Pennsylvania declined to make admissions officers available for interviews for this story.
Kara Miller helped review applications for Yale as an admissions office reader, and participated in meetings where admissions decisions were made. She says it often felt like Asians were held to a higher standard.
“Asian kids know that when you look at the average SAT for the school, they need to add 50 or 100 to it. If you’re Asian, that’s what you’ll need to get in,” says Miller, now an English professor at the University of Massachusetts-Dartmouth.
Highly selective colleges do use much more than SAT scores and grades to evaluate applicants. Other important factors include extracurricular activities, community service, leadership, maturity, engagement in learning, and overcoming adversity.
Admissions preferences are sometimes given to the children of alumni, the wealthy and celebrities, which is an overwhelmingly white group. Recruited athletes get breaks. Since the top colleges say diversity is crucial to a world-class education, African-Americans, Latinos, Native Americans, and Hawaiian/Pacific Islandersalso may get in despite lower scores than other applicants.
A college like Yale “could fill their entire freshman class twice over with qualified Asian students or white students or valedictorians,” says Rosita Fernandez-Rojo, a former college admissions officer who is now director of college counseling at Rye Country Day School, a private school outside of New York City.
But applicants are not ranked by results of a qualifications test, she says — “it’s a selection process.”
“People are always looking for reasons they didn’t get in,” she continues. “You can’t always know what those reasons are. Sometimes during the admissions process they say, ‘There’s nothing wrong with that kid. We just don’t have room.’”
In the end, elite colleges often don’t have room for Asian students with outstanding scores and grades.
That’s one reason why Harvard freshman Heather Pickerell, born in Hong Kong to a Taiwanese mother and American father, refused to check any race box on her application.
“I figured it might help my chances of getting in,” she says. “But I figured if Harvard wouldn’t take me for refusing to list my ethnicity, then maybe I shouldn’t go there.”
She considers drawing lines between different ethnic groups a form of racism — and says her ethnic identity depends on where she is.
“In America, I identify more as Asian, having grown up there, and actually being Asian, and having grown up in an Asian family,” she says. “But when I’m back in Hong Kong I feel more American, because everyone there is more Asian than I am.”
Holmes, the Yale sophomore with the Chinese-born mother, also has problems fitting herself into the Asian box — “it doesn’t make sense to me.”
“I feel like an American,” she says, “… an Asian person who grew up in America.”
Susanna Koetter, a Yale junior with an American father and Korean mother, was adamant about identifying her Asian side on her application. Yet she calls herself “not fully Asian-American. I’m mixed Asian-American. When I go to Korea, I’m like, blatantly white.”
And yet, asked whether she would have considered leaving the Asian box blank, she says: “That would be messed up. I’m not white.”
“Identity is very malleable,” says Jasmine Zhuang, a Yale junior whose parents were both born in Taiwan.
She didn’t check the box, even though her last name is a giveaway and her essay was about Asian-American identity.
“Looking back I don’t agree with what I did,” Zhuang says. “It was more like a symbolic action for me, to rebel against the higher standard placed on Asian-American applicants.”
“There’s no way someone’s race can automatically tell you something about them, or represent who they are to an admissions committee,” Zhuang says. “Using race by itself is extremely dangerous.”
Hsu, the physics professor, says that if the current admissions policies continue, it will become more common for Asian students to avoid identifying themselves as such, and schools will have to react.
“They’ll have to decide: A half-Asian kid, what is that? I don’t think they really know.”
The lines are already blurred at Yale, where almost 26,000 students applied for the current freshman class, according to the school’s web site.
About 1,300 students were admitted. Twenty percent of them marked the Asian-American box on their applications; 15 percent of freshmen marked two or more ethnicities.
Ten percent of Yale’s freshmen class did not check a single box.

Wednesday, November 30, 2011

The increasing role of workers’ cooperatives



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There are many ways of skinning the capitalist cat. Instead of the Marxist cry for workers to unite to destroy the free enterprise system and replace it with Socialism, there is the rising trend towards workers forming cooperatives to engage in all types of business. I am glad to see more workers’ cooperatives in the Philippine business scene.
My recent two-year residence in Spain gave me a glimpse of what could be a most powerful instrument to attain the aspiration of the Philippine Development Plan, 2011 to 2016 of “inclusive growth.” As the country finally achieves authentic industrialization, with more and more workers being absorbed in the various industry sectors of mining, manufacturing, construction, and public utilities, the fledgling workers’ cooperatives that are now beginning to appear in Philippine business can blossom into powerful conglomerates such as the Mondragon Cooperative, a workers’ cooperative in Spain started more than fifty years ago by a Catholic priest. Mondragon ranks among the top ten largest businesses in Spain with the most diversified investments in banking, manufacturing, retailing and real estate. I met some of the top executives of this famous workers’ cooperative (which started in Northern Spain), who briefed me on the phenomenal growth of their organization, which implemented to the letter the principles of empowering workers found in the social encyclicals of the Catholic Church.  In fact, its founder’s process of beatification is now ongoing.
I am glad that the final definition of the role of workers’ cooperatives in Philippine business is now coming to a head as the Labor Code is being updated.  The proposed amendment of the “Rules Implementing Articles 105 to 109 of the Labor Code” by Secretary of Labor Baldoz has created a perfect opportunity to enlighten all the stakeholders of business about the nature and essence of workers cooperatives. As defined under Article 23 (t) of RA 9520, a workers’ cooperative is “one organized by workers, including the self-employed, who are at the same time the members and owners of the enterprise.” More specifically, it is a social enterprise that is managed by the members who offer labor as their services to different companies, institutions or entities. In effect, these members are self-employed individuals who enter into commercial agreements with corporations and institutions through the cooperative that they have duly formed and organized.
Through a workers’ cooperative, the members are enabled to render work or labor as the product, service or business thereof, and in return, not only do these individual members earn from their own labor, but also benefit from the labor or work of the other members. This form of business is clearly in keeping with the essence of a cooperative, which is an organization voluntarily formed by individuals for their mutual benefit and support, who equitably share in the capital, participate in the services and become entitled to a fair share of the benefits, as well as in the other consequences of the undertaking.
Workers’ cooperatives have been in existence since the 1930s, initially formed by hat makers, bakers and garments workers. At present, workers’ cooperatives are globally recognized, with hundreds established in Europe, North America, South America, the Middle East and India.  Among the more famous ones, in addition to the Mondragon Cooperative in Spain, are Cheque Dejuener and Acome in France, Kantega in Norway, Suma Wholefoods in the UK, Egged-Israel Transport Cooperative Society in Israel, Indian Coffee Houses in India, and Cooperativa Drapner RL and Cooperativa Nacional de Ahorro y Prestamo in Venezuela. Italy has about 8,000 existing workers’ cooperatives. In North America, workers’ cooperatives have organized the United Sates Federation of Workers Cooperatives and the Canadian Workers Cooperatives Federation.
Workers’ cooperatives are clearly contemplated in the 1987 Constitution of the Philippines, which recognizes the rights of workers to form organizations, associations or cooperatives for their common benefit. There is need, however, for the Labor Code of the Philippines to explicitly recognize the existence of workers’ cooperatives. In the already antiquated Labor Code, there is an almost exclusive focus on the relationships between employers and employees, failing to take into account situations in which entities and institutions enter into commercial agreements with laborers who are self-employed workers. In view of the growing demand for and supply of this form of contractual relationship, it is necessary to amend certain provisions of the Labor Code to effectively include, recognize and protect the rights of these self-employed laborers who rightfully belong to a workers’ cooperative.
The revision of the Labor Code should, therefore, include an amendment of Article 211 under Chapter I, Book V, on Labor Relations. The following State policy should be added: “(h)  to promote and foster social enterprises, such as but not limited to cooperatives and associations formed by contingent, self-employed or non-regular employees for the protection of their rights and the promotion of social justice and development.”  This proposed amendment will assure industrial peace because it will provide for clear guidelines for business-to-business negotiations between the members of the cooperatives and the corporations, entities or industries in need of labor services.
Secondly, there should be an additional Article in the Labor Code under Chapter III, Payment of Wages inTitle II, Book III, after Article 106 and 107, addressing the workers’ cooperative in particular. The amendment reads as follows: “Whenever a person, partnership, association or corporation which, not being an employer contracts with a workers’ cooperative, for the performance of any work, task, job or project, the workers of the said cooperative shall be paid in accordance with the provisions of this Code.  A “workers’ cooperative” is one organized by self-employed workers who are at the same time the members and owners of the enterprise. The workers’ cooperative shall not be deemed the employer of its owner-members but shall be the organization that will ensure that the minimum standards and benefits as required by law are provided to its owners-members.
A third amendment is proposed of Article 82 under Chapter I (Hours of Work) in Title I, Book III, of the Labor Code  to explicitly include members of workers’ cooperatives in the provision:  Article 82. Coverage – The provisions of this Title shall apply to workers in all establishments and undertakings whether for profit or not, but not to government employees, managerial employees, field personnel, members of the family of the employer who are dependent on him for support, domestic helpers, persons in the personal service of another, and workers who are paid by results as determined by the Secretary of Labor in appropriate regulations. “As used herein, ‘workers’ refers to those who derive their livelihood chiefly from the rendition of work or services in exchange for compensation, which shall include members of a workers’ cooperative performing a job, task or duty for a person, corporation, association, entity or institution.”
The proposed amendments will take cognizance of the evolving nature of the employer-employee relationshipthat has to respond to the needs of global competitiveness and the increasing sophistication and education of workers in the Philippines. For those interested in a concrete model of a workers’ cooperative that already has 34,000 workers-owners and services some 200 businesses in the Philippines engaged in agribusiness; merchandising and quick service; auxiliary, property and other institutions; manufacturing and special projects; logistics; and telecommunications, access the website of Asiapro-Cooperatives, www.asiapro.coop.